Partnership for Peace Agreement
Successful engagement with a host country requires an understanding of its history, political and social culture, governmental and military practices. Any advice must take this into account and be individually adapted to what is possible in that country. There is no NATO or Western model to follow, and any attempt to apply one (even assuming there would be agreement between NATO countries or staffs on what such a model would look like) would cause antagonism. However, in some cases, especially if a country is very interested in joining the Alliance, a clear explanation of the standards expected by NATO may be needed to advance the debate and resolve disagreements. In 1989 and 1990, when the influence of the Soviet Union and the authority of communist regimes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe evaporated, the Allies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) tried to understand this new situation. There was unease at the thought that the old certainties of the Cold War era had been swept away without any guarantee that their successors would be more comfortable living. There were concerns that NATO`s security relationship with the United States would be no longer viable, or at least much more difficult to maintain than it had been. The complete dissolution of the Soviet Union was hard to imagine at the time. Allies have also had to deal with the complexity of extremely difficult arms control agreements, while trying to define the broader role of the Atlantic Alliance in a Europe where the Conference on Security Cooperation in Europe, and then the European Union, would be important political actors.2 In considering these uncertainties, the idea has begun to prevail: that the Alliance must provide practical assistance and institutional structures to support emerging actors. Democratic institutions and states resist the almost inevitable pressures that could arise, bringing them back to the authoritarian practices they have been accustomed to for a generation or more.
30 The Peace Implementation Council, meeting in Bonn in December 1997, granted the High Representative broad powers to take binding decisions on the implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords when the local parties appeared unwilling or unable to act; Office of the High Representative, “Decision establishing the Defence Reform Commission”, 9 May 2003, available at . In June 2007, Serbia joined the PARP by submitting its first PARP survey, on the basis of which a draft PARP assessment and a first set of partnership objectives were prepared. In the autumn of 2007, however, it became clear that Kosovo was preparing for the declaration of independence, that most allies would recognize its independence, and that NATO would assume a number of functions that would go beyond the existing UN mandate and support that independence. [41] This was unacceptable to Serbia and the result was a “de facto” suspension of many activities with NATO. These included the October 2007 DRG meetings as well as the discussion and completion of the PARP assessment and partnership objectives. However, this did not mean that contacts between NATO and Serbia were suspended. In November 2008, the Serbian side agreed that work on the PARP documents could continue and that the DRG would continue to work in the future, although with a slightly different objective. The number of working tables, which would reach 16, would be considerably reduced and their work would focus on the areas of development policy covered by the objectives of the partnership; In practice, this meant that most of the areas covered by the previous structure of the worksheet would be further improved. The plenary sessions of the DrG would take place less frequently, twice a year. In June 2010, the DRG resumed its work. In July 1990, in their declaration at the London Summit, NATO Heads of State and Government extended the “hand of friendship” to the countries of the East that had been their adversaries during the Cold War.3 They also noted that NATO could adapt and “contribute to building the structures of a more united continent by supporting security and stability with the power of our common faith in democracy. the rights of individuals and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
4 They also proposed that the countries of the former Warsaw Pact establish regular diplomatic relations with the Atlantic Alliance ….
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